Ibrahim Babangida

Three groups which have given the General a good run for his money are the print media, the human rights organisations and the academic community, including university students. Early in 1971, an attempt was made to lure Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti, chairman of the campaign for Democracy into Babangida fold. Dr. Kuti was appointed chairman of the Lagos University Hospital (LUTH) Management Board. The usual perks and perquisites of office were made available to the new chairman. But Dr. Ransome-Kuti proved more than a match for the General. He ran the affairs of LUTH conscientiously, shunning the perk but also taking care of step up work as chairman of Campaign for democracy. Dr. Ransome-Kuti and the CD vigorously protested Prince Bola Ajibola’s candidature for the world court, arguing that Ajibola was the chief architect of General Babangida’s draconian decrees. A few week later Dr. Beko Kuti was quietly relieved of his job as chairman of LUTH.

Radical critic and mathematician, Edwin Madunagu reasoned in Lagos last week that “There is segment of the elite in Nigeria that Babangida has not been able to penetrate”.

The deep passions of pain and distress that have affected the civil society under Babangida’s eight-year rule has its ironic reference in man’s desire to beloved and appreciated. His biographer, Amuta, says Babangida had always wanted to “be cherished and loved” and that is perhaps why he has assaulted the moral platform of the society by amazing chieftaincy titles (he now has no fewer than 40). He can hardly be blamed for this. Machavelli had warned: the best fortress that exist is to avoid being beaten by the people. if you have fortresses yet the people hate you they (the fortresses) will not save you.

In the difficult tension between the imperative of economic adjustment and populist longings, Babangida has had to walk a tight-rope without a balancing pole. While such projects like Better Life, DFRRI, People’s Bank and MAMSER had laid the premise of a populist platform, their twin reference of privatisation, and deregulation had wiped out any possible gains.

To shore this up, the General had reached out unconventionally to other groups in society through extra-budgetary spending in a most profligate manner. This had stridently gone on while the productive capacity of the economy is on a frightening nose-dive.

Why are Nigerians so blest? Ebenezer Babatope, former Director of Publicity of the banned Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) blamed the failure on the pervasive poverty in the land, a consequence of Babangida’s economic policies.

Even this situation has proved useful in Babangida’s effort at controlling his environment. The case of Dr. Bala Usman, the radical history teacher at Ahmadu Bello University is illustrative. His son was ill and needed urgent medical treatment abroad. Using a surrogate, General Babangida made the money available, hoping by this act to soften Dr, Usman’s stance against his regime. The lecturer did not budge, though. Babangida the master surgeon was however able to find out the soft underbelly of Nigeria’s radical left, which he swiftly domesticated by engaging them in such organs like DFRRI and MAMSER, where their radical interests found enough space.

It was also from this rank that a vocal and noisy class of agitators and propagandists of the regime emerged to play the role of professional sycophants. That tribe seems to be in decline with the dwindling credibility of the regime.

Professor Wole Soyinka once described General Babangida as a man who is very conscious of his place in history. The Nobel Laureate also likened Babangida to a consummate chess player, likening him to Gary Kasparov the Russian Grand Master. But which chess champion would allow himself to be boxed into a corner? Is this a tactical ploy or a strategic collapse? In the twilight of the regime, a new opponent has joined the fray: The National Assembly, which passed a resolution that the regime must hand over on 27 August. Come hell come shine. However, faced with the possibility that power post-August 27, 1993 may shift to either M.K.O Abiola or Bashir Tofa, all President Babangida’s friends, who knows? Perhaps the General may spring yet another surprise. But what will he offer a hungry and angry people? Machiavelli was unequivocal on this – not fortress.

— Reported by: Alex Kabba (Abuja), Jide Otitoju (Kano) Timothy Bonett, Bagauda Kaltho (Kaduna), Akin Adesokan in Lagos.

This piece was first published in TheNEWS magazine of 24 May 1993