Mr Femi Falana, SAN

Femi Falana

1. INTRODUCTION

Distinguished participants, youth leaders, statesmen, and comrades of democracy,

It is a great honour to be invited to speak on a subject that is as urgent as it is existential, the state of democratic governance in ECOWAS member states and the agency of our youth in reshaping the future. As we reflect on our shared aspirations for democracy and development, we must confront uncomfortable truths and renew our commitment to collective progress.

1. THE DETERIORATING STATE OF DEMOCRACY IN ECOWAS

The state of democratic governance in West Africa today is, quite frankly, nothing to write home about. Apart from commendable exceptions like Senegal and Cape Verde which has never experienced a coup d’état, and Ghana, which has enjoyed uninterrupted civil rule since 1992, democratic consolidation across the subregion remains elusive [1].

In Guinea-Bissau, President Umaro Sissoco Embaló dissolved the national parliament in December 2023 following an attempted coup. The country has since been governed without a functioning legislature, in direct violation of its Constitution [2]. Although President Embaló’s term officially ended in February 2025, he continues to govern as a de facto Sole Administrator.

Elsewhere, several heads of state have systematically dismantled opposition parties, manipulated constitutions to remove term limits, and embarked on third or even fourth terms. In Togo, the Gnassingbé family has ruled since 1963, making it one of the world’s longest-standing political dynasties under the guise of constitutional democracy [3].

This regression is not isolated. It represents a broader regional trend where elected governments sabotage democratic institutions to entrench themselves in power fueling instability, disillusionment, and, increasingly, military intervention.

• THE RETURN OF MILITARY RULE AND THE ECLIPSE OF ECOWAS

The recent resurgence of military rule in the region mocks the valiant struggles of the 1990s that saw an end to decades of military dictatorships. As of early 2025, four ECOWAS member states—Guinea, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger are under military junta [4].

These states, facing pressure from ECOWAS to hold elections, formally withdrew from the organization on January 29, 2025. They accused ECOWAS of being manipulated by foreign powers, betraying its founding principles, and failing to support their fight against terrorism. The three Sahelian states have since established the Alliance of Sahel States (Alliance des États du Sahel, AES), a mutual defence pact born out of the 2023 Nigerien crisis, in which ECOWAS threatened military intervention [5].

Ironically, while many youths have embraced the anti-imperialist rhetoric of these juntas, they have not realized that what is celebrated as African sovereignty has merely replaced French imperialism with Russian imperialism. The result is neither liberty nor self-determination but repression under a new foreign shadow [6].

Despite their promises of transition, the military juntas in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Guinea have all adopted extended political transition programmes of up to five years, most allowing the ruling officers to contest future elections. These programs are not neutral; they are carefully orchestrated schemes to consolidate power, often accompanied by human rights violations, suppression of civil society, and the weaponization of propaganda [7].

While the juntas in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have adopted a 5-year transition on paper, recent declarations by the rulers indicate they now plan to remain in power for 9,8, and 7 years respectively. If these military dictators are as popular as they claim, they should emulate their Gabonese counterpart, Brice Oligui Nguema, who successfully organized a presidential election in April 2025, won with over 94% of the vote, and was officially sworn in as President on May 3, 2025. His example underscores the possibility of restoring constitutional order even after a coup [8].

1. YOUTH AGENCY AND DEMOCRATIC DISILLUSIONMENT

Youth in West Africa who make up over 60% of the region’s population have grown increasingly disillusioned with electoral democracy. From the fraudulent manipulation of electoral processes to the recycling of political elites, the system appears rigged against their aspirations [9].

Movements such as #EndSARS in Nigeria, Y’en a Marre in Senegal, and #FixTheCountry in Ghana show that young people are not apathetic. They are hungry for justice, equity, and inclusion. However, where peaceful protest is met with violent repression, and where youth activism is criminalized, the promise of democracy turns to despair.

In some states, youth have embraced military dictators as “liberators” without examining the material conditions under these regimes. In Burkina Faso, for example, youth-led celebration of Captain Ibrahim Traoré ignores the reality of opposition clampdowns, banned political parties and trade unions, enforced disappearances, and forced military conscription of civilians including lawyers, journalists, and judges to fight terrorists without proper training [10].

1. ECONOMIC MARGINALIZATION AND IMPERIALIST DEPENDENCIES 

Despite abundant natural and human resources, ECOWAS member states are mired in poverty. This paradox is largely the result of neoliberal economic policies dictated by Bretton Woods institutions, which continue to shape national economies in favour of international monopolies [11].

Article 21 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, ratified by all ECOWAS member states, affirms that:

“All peoples shall freely dispose of their wealth and natural resources… [and] shall undertake to eliminate all forms of foreign economic exploitation, particularly that practiced by international monopolies…”[12]

Yet, decades after independence, African economies remain captive to foreign capital. The crisis of underdevelopment is not merely economic, it is structural, rooted in the denial of people’s sovereignty over their resources.

Another deeply troubling trend in the region is the growing disregard for the rule of law. Most ECOWAS member states routinely disobey judgments of both domestic and regional courts. This undermines judicial authority and erodes public confidence in democratic institutions.

1. THE WAY FORWARD: FROM ECOWAS OF STATES TO ECOWAS OF THE PEOPLE

ECOWAS, 50 years after its founding, remains largely a club of heads of state. To reverse democratic backsliding, a people-centred ECOWAS must emerge grounded in popular democracy, civic accountability, and economic self-determination.

We must:

1. Enforce constitutional term limits and penalize manipulations of the democratic process.

2. Lower age barriers and institute youth quotas in legislatures and party politics.

3. Resist imperialist control, whether from East or West, and demand national control of resources.

4. Support youth civic education, digital engagement, and institutional access to governance.

5. Build transnational youth coalitions to protect democracy and defend human rights.

The time has come for radical and revolutionary forces youth, civil society, trade unions, and progressive leaders—to return to the barricades and reclaim democracy from both civilian autocrats and military usurpers

• CONCLUSION

Youth agency is not a token; it is the soul of democracy. But it must be consciously organized, politically educated, and institutionally embedded. Let us dismantle the autocratic strongholds that have turned democracies into monarchies and militaries into messiahs. Let us build an ECOWAS of the people—where democracy is not delayed, and development is not denied.

*(Being the paper delivered by Femi Falana SAN at regional conference on sustainable participation of youth in Governance in Ecowas Region at Accra Ghana on May 7, 2025)