Monday Okpebholo and Asue Ighodalo

By Jethro Ibileke 

The 21 September governorship election in Edo State has come and gone. A total of 18 parties presented candidates for the crucial election. But, it suffices to describe the election as a three-parties affair, namely, the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, the All Progressives Congress, APC and the underdog, the Labour Party, LP. The 15 other parties merely made up the numbers.

According to the result declared by the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, Senator Monday Okpebholo, the candidate of the All Progressives Congress, APC, polled 291,667 votes (about 51.1 percent), to defeat Asue Ighodalo, of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, who polled 247,274 (about 43.3 percent) votes, while Olumide Akpata of the Labour Party, LP, came a distant third with 22,763 (about 4.0 percent) votes.

A further breakdown of the collated results showed that the APC won in 11 local government areas, namely, Esan West, Owan West, Egor, Akoko Edo, Esan Central, Orhionmwon, Owan East, Etsako East, Etsako Central, Etsako West, and Oredo. The PDP won seven local government areas: Esan North East, Igueben, Uhunmwode, Esan South East, Ovia North-East, Ovia South-West, and Ikpoba Okha.

The APC candidate recorded his highest votes in Edo North, in Akoko-Edo (34,847) votes and Etsako West (32,107), while Ighodalo also recorded his highest votes from Ikpoba-Okha (26,382) and Oredo (24,938) both in Edo South.

Several factors have been adjudged to have led to the outcome of the crucial election. Although their names were not on the ballot paper, the election was a proxy war between the immediate past governor of the state, Senator Adams Oshiomhole and his successor, Governor Godwin Obaseki.

Towards the end of his administration in 2016, against all expectations, Adam’s Oshiomhole presented Godwin Obaseki, a relatively unknown in the field of politics, as his successor. That did not go down well with the leaders of the APC, both in the state and at the national level, who had expected more experienced and more popular politicians like Pius Odubu, Oshiomhole’s deputy for eight years, to succeed him. One way or the other, Oshiomhole had his way. That was how Obaseki who was his economic adviser became the flag-bearer of the APC. The rest is history.

But, as usual in Nigeria’s political field, it did not take too long before things fell apart between Oshiomhole the godfather and Obaseki his political godson. The battle of who rules Edo which raged for about three years, culminated in the denial of Obaseki the opportunity to contest for a return ticket. By that time, Oshiomhole who was the national chairman of APC, ensured that Obaseki was not only denied the ticket but also forced out of the party.

Thereafter, the embattled governor Obaseki with Philip Shaibu his deputy, several members of his cabinet and some chieftains of the APC, defected to the PDP, where he eventually bought the party’s ticket.

The scenario that played in 2015 when Adam’s Oshiomhole presented Obaseki played out, when Obaseki also presented another strange fellow in politics, his economics adviser and friend, Asue Ighodalo, as his successor. Like the dog that was destined to stray away will not listen to the hunter’s whistle, Obaseki defied and ignored all advice from leaders and members of the PDP, against presenting Ighodalo. He waged war with whoever had a contrary opinion. His deputy, Philip Shaibu incurred his wrath when he decided to exercise his constitutional rights to contest for the PDP’s ticket. That singular step earned Shaibu an impeachment believed to have been orchestrated by his boss. The impeachment had since been upturned by the court though.

When the final result of the election was announced late Sunday night, Obaseki and the PDP were thoroughly trounced by the candidate of the APC, Monday Okpebholo. What were the factors that led to that defeat?

The Legacy Group factor

Like the Biblical riddle of a father who ate the sour grape, but the teeth of his son got set on edge, pundits had earlier predicted that Asue Ighodalo would suffer the consequences of the many sins of his sponsor, Governor Godwin Obaseki. Where did he get it wrong?

Right from his first days in the PDP, Obaseki had chosen the path of collision with the leaders and members of the party. He rejected their suggestion to appoint one of them as his deputy governorship candidate, insisting on running with Philip Shaibu, his hitherto deputy who decamped with him, neither did he appoint any member of the Legacy Group, a powerful caucus in the party who called themselves the aborigines of the PDP, into any key positions in his government. These were men, including Chief Dan Orbih, who campaigned vigorously to ensure Obaseki’s re-election in 2020.

Recall Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama, the immediate past representative of the Oredo federal constituency. He was one of those who magnanimously sacrificed their governorship ambition and gave Obaseki his re-election ticket when he was pushed out of APC. This grassroots politician with a large followership, a top member of the powerful

But, no sooner than he secured his second term and gained a strong footing in the party, Obaseki pronounced himself the ultimate leader, the de facto ruler of PDP in Edo. He was accused of trampling on anyone who ignored his dictates and short-changed them of their entitlements as original leaders and members of the party. Before long, Obaseki ended up making himself a strong army of enemies. He turned deaf ears to all entreaties.

Like the proverbial dog destined to stray to his death, as he failed to hear his hunter’s whistle, Obaseki did not see the imminent disaster occasioned by his political calculations. These aggrieved leaders of the PDP ganged up to deal a treacherous blow to him, but, not without several warnings. All their terms and conditions for reconciliation were rebuffed by Obaseki.

Another grave political sin of Obaseki who was going into a crucial election included his stern opposition to Philip Shaibu’s ambition to succeed him as governor and his needless impeachment that followed. Even at that, many had expected Obaseki to appoint either Kabiru Adjoto, a former Speaker of the State Assembly or Paschal Ugbome, both leaders of the PDP in Edo North who are members of the Legacy Group, as Shaibu’s replacement. But, alas! Obaseki snubbed them and appointed Marvellous Omobayo Godwins, a relatively unknown member of the Labour Party, to replace Shaibu.

Before long, Philip Shaibu, Kabiru Adjoto and other aggrieved members joined forces with the Legacy Group to wage political war with Obaseki. They forged a formidable front with Adams Oshiomhole, Dan Orbih and others in Edo north, Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama, Omosede Gabriella Igbinedion, Anselm Ojezua, Matthew Urhoghide, in the south, to inflict punishment on Obaseki.

The Benin Palace factor

To the average Benin man, the King is next to God, his representative on earth. So, a sin against the Oba is viewed as a sin against the entire kingdom. Several actions taken by Obaseki over the years have been viewed as a flagrant disregard for the revered Benin palace. A high point of his perceived denigration of the Benin tradition is the alleged instigation of some Enigie’s (Dukes) revolt against Oba Ewuare II.

Enigie are the King’s representatives in the various dukedoms. Recently, some of them dragged His Royal Majesty to the court, demanding autonomy in their respective areas of jurisdiction. It is widely believed that they were sponsored by the Obaseki-led state government, to reduce the power of the monarch. The entire Benin nation will not have that affront against their god on earth. For that reason, anyone presented for the election by recalcitrant ‘enemy of the palace’ is an of the entire kingdom and so, will not fly.

The PDP candidate, Asue Ighodalo, won the polling unit with the precinct of the Benin place with an overwhelming figure, after polling 72 votes against Okpebholo’s 23 votes and Olumide Akpata’s two votes, but he lost the entire Oredo (Obaseki’s) local government area to his APC counterpart, Okpebholo who polled 30, 780 votes.

It is widely believed that Asue Ighodalo was denied victory as punishment for Obaseki’s misdeeds.

Pundits believe that Obaseki was his albatross, the architect of his misfortune. He made too many enemies for himself in the buildup to the election. The war of attrition began with the needle’s opposition to Philip Shaibu’s ambition to contest for the PDP’s ticket. His perceived hostile action led to the exit of key members from the party.

The long list of those who abandoned the PDP included politicians with large following at the grassroots, like Chief Dan Orbi, Kabiru Adjoto, to the north, Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama, Charles Idahosa, Omosede Igbinedion and many others to the south. They all pitched tents with his arch-rival, the APC.

The case was akin to an army general who at the approach of a crucial warfare, drives away all his experienced generals to the camp of the enemies. For sure, that is not a good political strategy, it largely contributed to the outcome of the 21 September governorship election.

Writing on the topic, “A house divided against itself – How Obaseki lost Edo”, a political analyst and chieftain of the PDP in Edo state, Hillary Otsu, noted that the defeat of the PDP was largely predicated on the internal rancour that bedevilled the state chapter of the party.

Otsu referred to Obaseki’s “poor management of human relations and human resources” which made him a loner on election day.

According to him, “Without reference to the promises of the PDP candidate, it was the suggestion of many that so long as the PDP candidate was riding on the support of Obaseki, he would continue on that trajectory. However, even more than the visible impact of poor road infrastructure was

“That figure of political loneliness was captured during the collation of election results at the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC headquarters in Benin when the governor drove alone to complain about the alleged manipulation of results.”

He added: “That claim of loneliness was largely reflected in the way the governor reportedly pushed aside the political heavyweights that backed him to power who crystallized into the Legacy Group. After he was pushed away from the APC in June 2020, Obaseki was welcomed into the PDP with mixed feelings. Omoregie Ogbeide-Ihama who was on a roller-coaster to win the PDP governorship ticket made promises including a senate ticket, which never came to pass.

“The party which had Chief Dan Orbih, the national vice-chairman, South-South as leader gave him every support. Orbih became campaign manager and mounted the rostrum everywhere in Edo State to pave the way for Obaseki’s victory in 2020.”

“I will not leave PDP. I am the leader of PDP and by the grace of God, I will lead PDP well. Anybody that doesn’t want me to lead or accept my leadership will leave PDP for me.”

In the meantime, the election observer group, Yiaga Africa, has denounced the conduct of the election. It noted that the election failed the integrity test/standards.

In its post-election statement, the organization strongly condemned “the actions of some biased INEC officials who altered figures during collation, including the actions of some security officials who interfered with the collation process.”

It further mentioned cases of disruption in Ikpoba/Okha, Etsako West, Egor, and Oredo LGAs in the course of collation that created opportunities for election manipulation, which it said raised significant concerns about the credibility and integrity of the results collation process.

In its recommendation, the Citizens’ group recommended the prosecution of INEC’s polling officers and making electronic transmission of election results compulsory.

“Yiaga Africa calls for the immediate investigation and prosecution of polling officials and collation officers who are engaged in results manipulation and

flagrant violations of the guidelines on results collation. Yiaga Africa calls on INEC to urgently clarify the inconsistencies in some of the results, especially election results from Oredo, Egor, Esan West and LGAs.

“INEC should issue detailed guidelines for exercising its powers to review declarations and returns made contrary to provisions of the Electoral Act and regulations and guidelines. This should include procedures for receiving complaints, timeframe, format and who is eligible to submit complaints.”

Yiaga Africa further noted that “it is imperative to integrate the IReV and electronic transmission of results  into the electoral legal framework to confer legality on polling unit level \results uploaded on the portal.”

It therefore changed the national assembly to expeditiously amend the electoral act to make electronic transmission of results mandatory.