Ambassador Gambari: How To Hold A Fair Election And Why We Must

Ambassador Gambari: How To Hold A Fair Election And Why We Must

Wednesday, December 24, 2014 2:13 pm


What contribution can you and the Savannah Center make to meeting this challenge?

Lack of trust is a major problem in the North-east. There is tremendous distrust between the people and the governments and also between the governments of the states and the Federal Government. There is also the gap between the Nigerian government and those of the neighboring states, although there are growing efforts to bridge the gap and develop more cooperation. Our role can be to exercise the power of convening. We have the trust and confidence of many on both sides. During my diplomatic career, I dealt with conflict situations across the world and with elections in the midst of those conflicts. For example, in Angola, where there had been a long-lasting civil war, they managed to have elections, including in areas controlled by Unita (the opposition movement). Elections were held but of course Jonas Savimbi (the Unita leader) refused to accept the outcome.

I also worked in Myanmar (Burma) where there are 17 ethnic nationalities that have been at war for over 40 years against the central government. They agreed to a ceasefire, with the ethnic nationalities keeping their weapons, and they were able to hold elections. And in Iraq, as well as Afghanistan – situations of conflict – they have managed to hold elections. It’s really possible to do so, but conditions have to be made peaceful enough for elections to be conducted and the outcomes to be credible.

From my years as a diplomat, I have both experience and contacts to help bring opposing parties together. This Savannah Center could help convince people to address these layers of mistrust and help energize conflict resolution within our country, which is essential not only for the elections but also for ending terrorism in the North-east. We could also contribute towards reestablishing trust between the government of Nigeria and the government of the neighboring countries.

Do you think you can find the financial support needed to carry out such an ambitious agenda?

We do – and we want the support to come principally from Nigeria and from Africa. We also welcome external support but we think those with money in Nigeria should be able to recognize the importance of what we are doing and the contribution we can make to creating an environment conducive to peaceful pursuits by the people, including wealth creation.

You were a prominent participant in the National Conference earlier this year. Do you feel that gathering contributed to national reconciliation?

Many people, including myself, were skeptical when the National Conference was convened, and I think for good reasons. Previous National Conferences ended in disarray largely because there have been overt agendas by those who convened those conferences. But previous Conferences never had this kind of collection of 492 Nigerians – elder statesmen, trade union people, employers, civil society, women’s groups, market women, youth, religious leaders, retired and active politicians and civil servants, professional bodies and traditional rulers. The diversity was immense and unprecedented.

We were there for almost five months addressing the issues of Nigeria, and what impressed me the most is that we had 20 committees on various subjects, and all the reports – with the possible exception of one – were adopted by consensus.Even at Plenary Sessions of the Conference where the Committee Reports were deliberated upon, there was no single time we voted, even though we addressed all the issues, including the most complicated ones facing Nigeria. Political Cooperation is Possible.

There was broad consensus in addressing the issues except on the issues of the derivation principle and revenue allocations, which of course is understandable. We agreed, nonetheless, that there should be an increase [in the percentage of the Federation’s revenue/ account to be distributed to oil producing States] from the current 13 percent, but we couldn’t agree on what the higher percentage should be. We had to recommend to the Federal Government to set up a technical committee to look further into the issue.

Secondly, we also agreed that the current allocation of the Federal Government revenue to the development of solid minerals, which cuts across all states, should be increased from the present three percent. And we suggested a National Intervention Fund for Stabilization, Rehabilitation, and Reconstruction of the areas affected by insurrection and terrorism – in the first instance in the North-east and other parts of the North and any other parts of Nigeria that, God forbid, may be affected. The actual percentages of revenues to be assigned, we left to the Federal Government to decide. These formulations would benefit all states.

To me, the real success of the National Conference was that 492 Nigerians managed to discuss all of the most difficult issues, with no walkouts. There were threats. Voices were raised. There were spoken and unspoken fears. But in the end, what prevailed was that spirit of consensus, that spirit of trying to disagree without being disagreeable. It’s very important for the political process – not dodging difficult issues but confronting them and trying to constructively find a way out. Furthermore, the efforts in some quarters to write a new constitution for Nigeria failed. I commend my colleagues in the Conference because it was not our duty to do so. We were not elected, we are not a Constituent Assembly and so it would be inappropriate to draft a constitution for Nigeria.

What will happen with the Conference recommendations?

What we did in the Conference was to group the enormous number of recommendations on all aspects of our national life into three categories. First are those recommendations that can be implemented by the Executive branch of government. The second set are those recommendations whose implementation requires an amendment to the current laws of Nigeria, which the National Assembly and the State Assemblies have to do. The third set are those that require constitutional amendment.

I understand that President Jonathan has set up a Ministerial Committee headed by the Attorney General to look at the way forward in the implementation of the recommendations of the National Conference. My fear though is the electoral calendar. Between now and February 2015, the attention of the political class, the attention of the Executive, the attention of the National Assembly, I believe will be on the campaign. But we laid a foundation for addressing the issues for whoever comes to power in 2015. If they look at the recommendations of the National Conference, this is enough for them to hit the ground running!


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