Eromosele Ebhomele

The defeat experienced by former President Goodluck Jonathan in the 2015 general election was due to Jonathan’s many mistakes

For former President Goodluck Jonathan, the road to the presidency in 2011 was not rosy. It came with all the thorns that could be expected. But he had one thing working for him. He was humble and seen to be loyal by the the powers that be, who decided it was him and no other. But the story was different in 2015. If Jonathan is to write his memoirs now, a lot of revelations would be made.

Jonathan lost as the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, to Muhammadu Buhari, the candidate of the opposition All Progressives Congress, APC, in an election many had thought would be the deciding factor concerning the fate of the fragile country called Nigeria. Jonathan started well as a politician, knocking off all perceived obstacles to become the candidate of the party in the election. However, as he did this, his administration made mistakes many thought were unpardonable.

•Goodluck Jonathan: Committed errors

Some of these factors, according to analysts, were self-made while others were made by those who decided to act with impunity because they thought his body language approved of such.

Fuel increase of 2012

Between 29 May, and 31 December, 2011, Nigerians had begun to grumble about some minor errors that the government was making. In many cases however, such errors were simply laughed off by the citizens, many of whom believed that patience with the Jonathan administration would do the magic of turning the country around for good, something that was desperately needed at this period. Moreover, the ex-president’s goodwill had not waned. Then the new year came. As usual, the situation of the country was still gloomy, but the people decided to remain happy celebrating the birth of 2012.

Suddenly, Dr. Jonathan released what many, including the organised labour, considered to be the worst New Year gift from a government to the already impoverished Nigerians. He announced the removal of subsidy from premium motor spirit, better known as petrol. To him, this deregulation was needed to save the country from the hands of a cabal that was feeding fat from a corrupt subsidy regime. The government was spending $8 billion per year on fuel subsidy and this, according to government officials who tried to drive the idea home to Nigerians, was equivalent to more than 25 percent of the government’s annual budget. They also argued that the subsidy does not ultimately benefit the poor. They claimed that the money derived from the removal of subsidy would help the government save enough money to cater for other areas that needed urgent government intervention.

But no matter how hard the government attempted to convince the people in the days that followed to buy into its ‘noble’ idea, it continued to fail as the citizens had made up their minds against it. Their patience had been overstretched, the goodwill had disappeared and they were prepared for the worst. Many, who had travelled for the Christmas and New Year celebrations had hellish tales to tell about the hardship they suffered returning to their base. Ultimatums to the government flew from various parts of the country. The Save Nigeria Group, SNG, a body formed and sponsored by Pastor Tunde Bakare in the heat of the crisis that ensued over a replacement for then ailing President Umar Yar’Adua, began to mobilise other civil society groups including the Coalition Against Corrupt Leaders, CACOL.

On 6 January, 2012, the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, headed by Abdulwaheed Omar, declared a total strike to begin on 9 January after various meetings between the organised labour and the government failed to produce any favourable result. A statement to that effect said the sudden removal of subsidy raised the price of a litre of fuel from N65 to N141, a 120 percent increase, adding that this single decision by the government had caused an increase in virtually all the prices of commodities in the country by over 200 percent in just five days after the announcement. “The immediate negative impact of this price increase on transport, food, drugs, school fees, indicate that government is totally wrong. The other sad story is that from reports in the media, it is only in Lagos and Abuja that fuel sells for N141 per litre: in other states prices are ranging from N150 to N250 depending on what the marketers feel like…The NLC is mobilising Nigerians for an indefinite nationwide peaceful demonstration. This could take days and our demand is that the government revert back to the normal price, after which Labour will continue negotiation with Government. There is no alternative because Goodluck’s promised reinvestment package is just a mere repetition of presentations made by the Babangida, Abacha and Obasanjo regimes. It is clear that like all Nigerian leaders President Jonathan’s idea of removal of oil subsidy is only an increase in fuel prices,” the NLC said.

•Tunde Bakare: Mobilised Nigerians through the save Nigeria group

The body was irked that government could not fix the country’s refineries, build new ones, work towards regular power supply and provide social infrastructure such as railways with repairs of roads before embarking on removal of subsidy as it had promised earlier.

While the threats of a possible shut down loomed, President Jonathan refused to bulge. Instead, a day after the NLC issued its warning, the President, in a nation-wide broadcast again tried another attempt to convince Nigerians. He said his government’s insistence on the policy was because he wanted to hand over, later in the future, a virile economy and not one that would put Nigeria on the edge. “The truth is that we are all faced with two basic choices with regard to the management of the downstream petroleum sector: either we deregulate and survive economically, or we continue with a subsidy regime that will continue to undermine our economy and potential for growth, and face serious consequences. The deregulation of the petroleum sector is a necessary step that we had to take. Should we continue to do things the same way, and face more serious economic challenges? Or deregulate, endure the initial discomfort and reap better benefits later? I want to assure every Nigerian that whatever pain you may feel at the moment, will be temporary,” he told Nigerians.

While announcing a cut in overseas trips, a 25 percent cut in the 2012 basic salaries of all political office holders appointed by him, a review of the number of committees set up by the government for various reasons, the launching of a mass transit scheme to cushion the effect of subsidy removal, and the establishment of a committee to oversee the implementation of the Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme, SURE-P, he further announced: “in addition, I have ordered the mobilization of contractors for the full rehabilitation of the Port Harcourt –Maiduguri Railway Line and the completion of the Lagos-Kano Railway Line. I have also directed the immediate commencement of a Public Works programme that will engage the services of about 10, 000 youths in every state of the Federation and the Federal Capital Territory. This will create an additional 370, 000 jobs.

Before the labour bodies decided on the action to take, Nigerians had begun pockets of protests across the country. With the theme, “#OccupyNigeria”, they were able to efffectively mobilise people using various social interaction platforms on the internet. Soon, Nigerians in other countries of the world, especially Europe and the United States joined the protests in solidarity with their brothers and sisters back home. While some of these protests were peaceful in some areas, such could not be said of some other areas where officers of the Nigerian Police allegedly shot dead some Nigerian protesters. The protests soon became a movement that gained momentum each passing day. From Lagos to Abuja, to parts of northern Nigeria, youths and the elderly gathered in large number threatening to bring down their weight on the government. Many government properties were vandalised. The country was inching towards anarchy and there was confusion everywhere as the government claimed some provocateurs had hijacked the protests and demonstrations and were trying to bring down the country by promoting discord, anarchy, and insecurity to the detriment of public peace.

Charles Oyibo, a Nigerian analyst in a essay just about the crisis period, noted that the Jonathan administration placed the cart before the horse in the removal of subsidy. In an earlier article, he had listed some steps to follow before subsidy removal to include that the government must repair the four refineries to satisfy local demand and eliminate the need to import refined crude oil, develop a comprehensive plan for reallocating subsidy funds, arrest oil smuggling and other illegal activities and engender a free and enabling environment in the oil sector. “It (the government) failed to communicate a cogent and compelling rationale for its desire to remove the fuel subsidy with such rapidity. Further, it failed to articulate—qualitatively or quantitatively—why it makes sense to not repair the refineries or address the scourge of corruption and smuggling prior to instigating a doubling in the price of fuel,” he said.

The government finally reneged on its stand on 16 January, settling for partial removal of subsidy and fixing the new pump price for petrol at N97 per litre thus ending what was considered the biggest protests in Nigeria’s history. But then, the deed had been done and Nigerians were determined not to forgive. With the new administration, Nigerians are, not only expecting to see a sanitised petroleum sector, they want to see the old refineries working, new ones built and the entire system working to the benefit of the average Nigerian even if it means Buhari taking charge of the sector himself.

The Boko Haram Onslaught

One of the biggest injuries caused to the Jonathan administration remains the mistake of allowing the Boko Haram terrorist group to fester in the face of a reported helplessness on the part of the Nigerian military. Though the group, often described by some as ragtag, was founded in 2002, long before Jonathan’s emergence as the President, it got violent in 2009 when Mohammed Yusuf, its leader, was killed. Since then, it has intensified its attack, first chosing soft targets, then later engaging in suicide attacks and bombings of churches, police buildings and later, the United Nations office in Abuja in 2011 which resulted in the death of scores of people.

With a base of between 7,000 and 10,000, the sect later took the North-eastern part of Nigeria hostage. Borno, Adamawa and Yobe became the most attacked states with Borno being its base. The sect also later entered into Kano, Kaduna and its environs. It is estimated that Boko Haram killed more than 13,000 civilians between 2009 and 2015, in attacks occurring mainly in northeast Nigeria while displacing over 1.5 million people. Furthermore, it is estimated that since 2009, the sect has abducted more than thousands of men, women and children in different attacks.

Unfortunately, while the Boko Haram strengthened itself and its tentacles, the officials of the Nigerian government engaged themselves accusing then opposition All Progressives Party, APC, as having members who are linked to Boko Haram sponsorship without having any concrete evidence to back up the claims. They also engaged civil society activists who they perceived as not supportive of the government. Nigerians became tired of the daily attacks and daily statements released by Jonathan’s media aides, including Reuben Abati, always condemning such bestiality.

There was the general impression that the military proved ineffective in countering the insurgency. Nigerians got to believe that there were saboteurs in the military who were sympathetic to the insurgents, dolling out military information and strategies. There were also calls that top military personnel should be probed as nobody understood how the hundreds of billions of naira spent on security disappeared yearly with very little to show for it. Military officials grew wary and frustrated with having to fight such a powerful group. Many officers were mauled each time there was a confrontation with Boko Haram. The group was then further encouraged to take attacks to the door-steps of the military, attacking barracks and killing soldiers. There are video clips of soldiers allegedly fleeing hotbeds of the Boko Haram attacks. Even the state of emergency declared by Jonathan in some areas badly affected could not succeed. Yet, statements were constantly reeled out condemning the babaric acts. Gradually, villages and towns began to fall to the sect.

Heightened Boko Haram Attacks

In the nine months between May 2013 when the military commenced an offensive against the sect and February 2014, there were different massive attacks by the sect on Nigerian territories. For example, on 6 July, 2013, Boko Haram members attacked a secondary school in Yobe killing 42 people, majority of whom were students. In the two days of 10 and 11 August, 2013, an attack on a mosque in Konduga and environs resulted in the death of 56 people, on 17 September, 2013, an attack by Boko Haram extremists disguised in military uniforms in the north-eastern Benisheik area in Borno state killed at least 142. Two days after, Boko Haram gunmen opened fire on sleeping students in a college dormitory in Yobe state, killing at least 40 people. On 2 December, 2013, hundreds of heavily armed Boko Haram men stormed an air force and army base in Maiduguri, destroying aircraft, razing buildings and setting shops and petrol stations ablaze.

On 16 December, 2013, the United Nations disclosed that between May and that day, attacks by Boko Haram had killed more than 1,200 people. On 20 December, terrorists attacked military barracks in Bama, spraying gunfire at the troops inside before setting the compound ablaze. Two coordinated attacks, one on a busy market in Borno State and the other in Adamawa, resulted in the death of over 78 people in January 2014. On 15 February, an attack on Izghe, a Christian-dominated village in Borno, left 106 dead. Five days later, another attack on Bama left over 60 people dead. On 25 February, insurgents attacked a secondary school in Buni Yadi, Yobe State, killing 43 people in their sleep.

Though the military claimed some success in the fight against the insurgents, many analysts think the President also shot himself in the leg with some comments he made ostensibly to generate sympathy for himself. Apart from the excuse of some people not trying to frustrate him, Jonathan told the congregation at an inter-denominational service to mark the 2012 Armed Forces Remembrance Day that Boko Haram insurgents had infiltrated his government. Till his defeat at the 2015 elections, Nigerians continued to ask that he name the Boko Haram sympathisers in his government and punish them.

The Yanyan, Abuja, motor park bomb blast that killed over 70 and injured over 100 was another case that pitched Nigerians against their president. The blast occurred early on 14 April, 2014. Nigerians mourned the incident, with Asiwaju Bola Tinubu describing the incident as one of that brought gloom to the country, asking the President to rise up to the occasion. Jonathan, indeed rose up, but not to the occasion. He travelled to Kano, just after visiting the scene of the incident, for a rally that was indirectly targeted at his re-election, and Lai Mohammed of the APC, as well as many other Nigerians condemned Jonathan for being insensitive to the plight of the people. Even an explanation by the government as to why the President embarked on the trip to Kano fell on deaf ears. The former President later explained that he travelled for the rally to give the impression that the insurgents have no power to stop the government from running.

•Lai Mohammed: Jonathan was insensitive concerning Abuja motor park bombing

Chibok Girls Debacle

Many would not forget in a hurry how the presidency handled the case of the abducted 276 Chibok, Borno school girls who were in school for their examination in April 2014. Till date, only very few escapees are currently living to tell their stories. Nobody knows the actual whereabouts of the unlucky girls over a year after. While controversy raged over the incident, it took about two weeks and threats from around the world for the presidency to finally realise how grievous the abduction was.

Jonathan, himself, would later admit that his administration underestimated the insurgents in an interview with ThisDay. “I think the thing that has brought this government down with both Nigerians and non-Nigerians, is the issue of Boko Haram. One thing is that terrorism is all over the world, but they believe that we did not handle it the way we were supposed to handle it. Probably at the beginning, we underrated the capacity of the Boko Haram. Capacity, not in terms of what they have in Nigeria, but their international linkages, we underrated that and thought that we were dealing with some local elements that we could overrun,” he confessed. But this was at the twilight of his tenure. It was within the six weeks extension for the 2015 general election and Nigerians had made up their minds.

Naira Devaluation

One of the many tragedies that befell the past administration was the fall of the country’s currency. Without any rescue or attempts to salvage the situation, the free fall was beyond imagination, thus increasing inflation and unsettling the country’s economy. Twice in weeks, during the count-down to the election, Godwin Emiefele, governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, announced the devaluation of the naira, arguing that this was part of measures by the CBN to strengthen the nation’s economy.

In the first announcement, Emefiele explained that under the new arrangement, the naira would now exchange for N168 instead of the old official rate of N155 to one U.S. dollar. He further announced an increase in the Monetary Policy Rate, MPR, at which banks borrow from the Central Bank to cover their immediate cash shortfalls, by 100 basis point from 12 percent to 13 percent.

After a second devaluation, the naira, at a time, exchanged for almost N220 to a dollar. Many businesses began to crash. Alinko Dangote, Nigerian-born Africa’s richest businessman, reportedly lost over half of his $25 billion fortune in just six months, according to Bloomberg.

The fall in the value of the naira, the fall in the price of crude oil and their resultant effects on the country’s economy earned the Jonathan administration poor marks. It also resulted in Nigeria slamming Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the Coordinating Minister of the Economy as coming to Nigeria, her own country, only to implement the script allegedly handed to her by the International Monetary Fund.

•Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala: Slammed for allegedly implementing IMF script

Experts have suggested some ways the Buhari administration can achieve a level of success in improving the Nigerian economy. Mazi Okechukwu Unegbu, former President, Chartered Institute of Bankers of Nigeria, CIBN, said the President must appoint technocrats to oversee key areas of the economy, pursue proper Foreign Direct Investment, FDI, to reduce unemployment rate, and encourage telecommunication companies and oil companies to list on the Nigerian Stock Exchange, NSE. For Mr. Ariyo Olushekun, immediate past President, Chartered Institute of Bankers, CIS, Buhari should set the right environment for both local and foreign investors, encourage small and medium enterprises through favourable policies, and boost the development of the capital market.

Crisis In The PDP

Being a president on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, affords one more opportunities like being the leader of the party and having a major say in its activities. Political analysts believe that Jonathan did not maximise this opportunity to his political benefit. Instead, he allegedly stayed almost aloof in some cases and only took actions where he feared that some forces were going against his ‘command’ mostly as advised by some of his friends.

Jonathan’s tenure witnessed as many as five national chairmen of the PDP and several crises that rocked the party in almost all the states where the PDP was the party in power. At the point of his emergence as the substantive president of the country following the Senate’s ‘Doctrine of Necessity’, Okwesileze Nwodo was the party’s chairman. He was sent out following a crisis that threatened to tear the umbrella, the symbol of the party. Haliru Mohammed, his deputy, then ascended the ‘throne’.

After Mohammed was appointed a Minister in Jonathan’s cabinet following the president’s victory at the election, Kawu Baraje was appointed still in acting capacity. Baraje remained till, through Jonathan’s assistance, Bamanga Tukur took over as the party’s national chairman. To say Tukur’s tenure was hell for the party could just be stating the obvious. He had an endless quarrel with the National Working Committee of the party, some top party members and even governors from the party. On 31 August, 2013, seven governors – Murtala Nyako from Adamawa state, Sule Lamido of Jigawa State, Rabiu Kwankwaso of Kano state, Abdulfatah Ahmed of Kwara State, Mu’azu Babangida Aliyu of Niger State, Chibuike Amaechi of Rivers state and Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko of Sokoto State – openly dumped the party by walking out of a mini convention. With 22 senators and 57 members of House Representatives from party, and led by former Vice-President Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, they formed the ‘New PDP’ with Alhaji Abubakar Kawu Baraje as its chairman.

On 15 January, 2014, Tukur finally resigned with a baggage of causing the party’s partial fall after earlier declaring that nobody could fire him. He was replaced with Adamu Mu’azu, who also was recently forced to resigned following the massive defeat recorded by the PDP in the 2015 general elections including that of the president.

The NGF Crisis

It is no longer in doubt how the crisis in the Nigerian Governors’ Forum began, but it reportedly had to do with the need by the former president and his support base to break the group that was seen as becoming too powerful for the president to tame. At the helm of the target was former Governor Rotimi Amaechi, who already had an unresolved political battle with the President. Everything to get Amaechi, who was the chairman of the Forum, out of Jonathan’s way was seen as worthwhile enough. One of such moves would therefore be to polarise the group. And the president succeeded, but to his own political peril.

•Rotimi Amaechi: Plot to disgrace him did not end well for PDP

The plot to disgrace Amaechi out of the chairmanship of the highly influential NGF commenced fully in February 2013 with the PDP, after a late night meeting, settling for Godswill Akpabio, then governor of Akwa Ibom State as the chairman of the PDP Governors’ Forum. With Akpabio, the party was able to get some of the governors, especially those within its fold, to vote for Jonah Jang, former governor of Plateau State. Despite this, Amaechi floored Jang with 19 votes to 16. But Jonathan and the PDP had resolved to sustain the fuelling of the crisis. They gave recognition to the Jang faction of the NGF to the amazement of Nigerians.

In March, this year, Kwankwaso shocked Nigerians when he disclosed that the 16 members of the NGF who allied with Jang got N2 billion each as reward for their loyalty to the PDP. “All of us from the Ameachi side were given nothing, that is not being fair…We are having difficulties in coming together as one forum because the Federal Government is not respecting democratic tenets,” Kkwankwaso said at a meeting with the team from the secretariat of NGF on Peer Review Mechanisms led by Director General Ashishana Okauru.

Attempt To Denigrate Buhari

This was one of the proverbial straws that broke the back of the camel in the case of Jonathan’s ambition for re-election. Using Governor Ayodele Fayose of Ekiti State, Okupe, Omokri, Patience Jonathan and other hired contractors on the internet, the PDP and its presidential campaign organisation, to which Femi Fani-Kayode, a former minister, belonged, engaged in producing distorted information, high-level propaganda, and sometimes, deliberate verbal attacks on the person of Muhammadu Buhari, Tinubu and some of the governors on the platform of the APC.

•Doyin Okupe: Gave excuses for the failure to bring back chibok girls

While Fani-Kayode held tenaciously to claims that Buhari was involved with the Boko Haram and was part of those who made Jonathan’s tenure a failure, Fayose invented news about Buhari’s ill-health and monitored the then presidential candidate wherever the latter went. His sponsored advertisement allegedly wishing Buhari dead and his claim that his mother, younger than Buhari, always wore pampers, did more harm than good to Jonathan’s ambition.

The campaign embarked upon by Patience Jonathan is believed in some quarters not to have helped matters. In one of such campaigns for her husband, she allegedly called Buhari a baby at over 70. She also allegedly described Buhari as brain-dead. At a campaign ground, she reportedly referred to northerners as people who give birth to more than the number of children they can take care of. Her utterances cost the PDP plenty of votes.

•Fani-Kayode: His effort to discredit Buhari did more harm than good

Battle With Obasanjo

At the height of his career, President Goodluck Jonathan, according to analysts, decided to go against some of the principles in Robert Greene’s 48 Laws of Power by attempting to take the place of his supposed godfather rather than remain loyal. It started like a cold war between them until Obasanjo threw a bombshell accusing Jonathan of training snipers among many other allegations. Jonathan replied the former president that he was deliberately distorting facts and misinforming Nigerians about his government just to pitch his administration against the people. He also slammed Obasanjo for refusing to be an elder statesman.

•Olusegun Obasanjo: Gravitated towards opposition, courtesy of Jonathan’s attitude

The battle got worse with the entry of Iyabo Obasanjo’s letter to her father. In the letter, she took her father to the cleaners with various allegations including how he treats his family – wives and children. She even vowed never to engage her dad in any communication after the letter. Though some Nigerians pointed fingers at the Jonathan government as being behind the sponsorship of the letter from Iyabo, the allegation was laid to rest when Iyabo reportedly confirmed she actually wrote the letter. Till date, Obasanjo did not reply that letter, but he saw his battle with Jonathan through to the latter’s defeat by adopting different strategies including dumping the party at a time he believed he would be needed most.

Max Siollun in an analysis in the UK Guardian explained that in many ways, Jonathan was the architect of his defeat at the election because he made critical mistakes that turned the public and allies against him, and led them to gravitate towards the opposition. Among such mistakes, Siollun said, was that he crossed his boss, in this case being Obasanjo. “Jonathan made the mistake of alienating Obasanjo; leading the general to write a public 18-page letter containing lacerating criticism of the president in December 2013. A party member likened Obasanjo’s hectoring of Jonathan to a father’s disappointment with his son. Rather than make peace with the 77-year-old, Jonathan’s office retaliated. Getting on the wrong side of Obasanjo is the political equivalent of crossing a mafia don. You will pay. Obasanjo’s attacks on Jonathan intensified. In February, an irate Obasanjo quit the PDP and dramatically ripped up his party membership card on television. Jonathan was naïve to think he could remain president without the support of PDP godfathers like Obasanjo. Although Nigeria is no longer under military rule, many retired millionaire generals call the shots from behind the scenes,” Siollun stated.

Corruption, Oil Theft and Petroleum Scarcity At Administration’s Twilight

The Jonathan administration witnessed corruption beyond pardon. Okonjo-Iweala, his cabinet member, shouted all through the administration’s existence on the impact of oil theft on the economy. Analysts describe the current level of oil theft as unprecedented, rising from 100,000 barrels per day to about 400,000 barrels per day even with the various bodies engaged by the government with billions of naira to monitor the nation’s waterways. Just last week, Dr Ahmed Tijani Ramalan, the pioneer chairman of the Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency, NIMASA, revealed that Mr. Government Ekpemupolo, popularly known as Tompolo, a former leader of the Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta, MEND, received N1.5 billion monthly for the contract awarded him by ex-President Jonathan to protect the nation’s maritime areas. “Over 400, 000 barrels of crude oil is being stolen daily from our shores under President Jonathan; yet we had a government that has the Navy, the Army and the Air Force, and the government of Jonathan decides to hand over the security of our maritime waters to Tompolo at a very exorbitant amount of money. And these same people that are given the job of our maritime security are the ones that are collaborating with the international shipping companies to steal our oil,” Ramalan revealed.

Tompolo may just have been one of such contractors. During the campaigns for the general election, Jonathan reportedly also awarded contracts to leaders of the Oodua Peoples Congress, OPC, to monitor pipelines. It is however not known how Buhari would go, but analysts simply want him to sanitise the petroleum sector once and for all.

Professor Niyi Osundare, while reviewing the Jonathan years as president of the country, after the election, accused the former president of encouraging corruption throughout his tenure. Though former president Jonathan has often maintained that he fought corruption to the best of his ability, Nigerians have not failed to list out some high profile corruption cases that faded away just like they came.

One of such major cases is the missing $20bn from the coffers of Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC. After much hide-and-seek and the insistence by Nigerians that the issue must be visited, a forensic audit by the PriceWaterHouseCoopers finally resolved the issue with its findings. This was even as the auditing firm expressed some level of frustration with the refusal of some subsidiaries of NNPC to assist with adequate information needed for the audit. There is also the N10 billion private jet scandal that rocked Diezani Alison-Madueke’s tenure as the Minister of Petroluem and how the former president attempted to justify the spending on her behalf during a media session broadcast live on some television stations.

•Diezani Alison-Madueke: Not checked by Jonathan for allegedly wasting billions

Other allegations of corruption that rocked the Jonathan presidency included the John Yusuf N27 billion pension fraud, the Abdulrasheed Maina N21 billion pension funds embezzlement allegation, the Farouk Lawan $500,000 bribery scandal, the Stella Oduah N255 million BMW salon cars scandal while she was the Minister of Aviation, the petrol subsidy scam for which nobody has been effectively prosecuted till date, the continued kerosene subsidy fraud despite the product being fully deregulated, the $15 million private jet arms-deal scandal and the continued environmental degradation of the Niger-Delta through oil spill to which the government remained helpless. Nigerians have not forgotten how the Transparency International rated the country 136th out of 175 economies surveyed on the corruption index, making Nigeria the 39th most corrupt country in the world.

Just weeks before the election, Nigerians started witnessing scarcity of petroleum products following a strike action by marketers who claimed being owed by the government. This problem, which persisted for weeks after the election, is still threatening to bring the economy to its knees. Many businesses were either folding up or threatening to shut down following the inability to secure fuel to power generators. Many Nigerians voted for Buhari because of the feeling that he would fight corruption in the system. Therefore, any attempt to fail in this regard would dash their hopes and have adverse effects of the future of the APC and its politicians.

Power Generation

This is one major area where the last administration is considered to have performed woefully. However, Namadi Sambo, the immediate past Vice President is quoted as saying the country, under his former boss, was able to build a 6,000 megawatts installed capacity but that the challenge currently is with the distribution to the consumers.

Many Nigerians do not buy his explanation. They want to see the country, their towns and homes lit up. They also want to have enough power supply to meet other daily needs. In his inaugural speech, President Buhari lamented the power situation of the country saying despite the huge amount of about $20 billion that has been sunk into the sector, the country has nothing positive to show in terms of electricity.

Professor Yemi Osinbajo, the current Vice President, had sometime ago, said the new administration was already looking at the possibility of diversifying the sources of power generation in the country. One of such ways is to consider areas like the north fit for solar power, the east where the country has deposits of coal as well as engaging in independent power projects, taking a clue from the administration of Mr. Babatunde Fashola of Lagos.

Unemployment

Each time the issue of unemployment under ex-president Jonathan is mentioned, Nigerians quickly picture the tragedy that befell job seekers who had joined thousands of others to write the aptitude test for openings in the Nigerian Immigration Service, NIS, which was a parastatal overseen by Abba Moro, the former Minister of Interior. While many of the applicants had sour tales to tell about their experiences, some others did not live to tell their stories. Reports put the casualty figure at between 18 and 23. Nigerians called for the sack of Moro to no avail.

The photograhs of applicants for the NIS jobs as they filled various stadia venue for the aptitude test, actually brought to reality the alarming rate of unemployment in the country. Each year, the various universities churn out graduates, majority of whom spend their lives in search of jobs. Many Nigerians have constantly maintained that the country is sitting on a keg of gunpowder because of the scale of unemployment in the country.

In April 2014, Okonjo-Iweala, who is also the Nigerian Minister of Finance, said there was a backlog of over five million unemployed youths in the country. “Now 5.3 million are unemployed in this country and it has been a backlog. We know that 1.8 million youths enter the job market every year, plus the 5.3 million that are on ground. We all feel the Federal Government is not working, but the government is working. We feel how the youths are feeling and if we have 1.8 millon unemployed youths and we create 1.6 million jobs, it gives hope. No parents would want to spend so much money to send their children to school and sit down. We know that 200,000 youths every year don’t get jobs,” she narrated at the opening of a learning centre in Abuja. In its own analysis then, the National Bureau of Statistics, revealed that in 2014, about 22.6 million Nigerians remained unemployed. Suddenly just before the election, the NBS revealed again that unemployment had dropped to 6.4 percent in Nigeria.

But analysts say the figures being peddled by the government is still far from the truth. Hussaini Abdu, Country Director, PLAN International, said 34 percent would be close to the true figure. He believes that the NBS has been under tremendous pressure from the World Bank and the Minister of Finance to review the indices. “Changing figures on paper does not reduce the number of the unemployed in the job market. This is a very unserious way to deal with a national problem. If we say unemployment is 6.4 per cent in Nigeria, are we saying we are better off than France, UK and U.S. with higher unemployment figures?”

Isolated By International Community

Evidence that President Jonathan’s administration was indeed isolated by the international community was revealed when former president Obasanjo disclosed that African leaders were happy over his estranged godson’s defeat at the elections. Obasanjo, who spoke at the United States Institute of Peace in Washington DC, said checks by him showed the obvious, adding that some even told him that Jonathan was leading Nigeria towards a collapse.ould have collapsed Nigeria if not for being stopped. “I have visited six countries since the election, they are as happy about the results. It is good not only for Nigeria, but also for Africa and I believe it is good for the world,” he revealed.

Indifference To Plight Of States

Right from 2013, many analysts had begun warning the Nigerian government of the effect of the economy on many of the states. An analysis carried by the Afenifere Renewal Group, ARG, in 2014 pointed to the fact that only Lagos and Rivers can effectively run without little or no dependence on federal allocation. The other 34 states may not survive without this lifeline.

This reality started falling on the country when many of the states increasingly started finding it difficult to meet their obligations to pay salaries of workers. Most of the state governments also lived with heavy debts which they have now transferred to the new administrations.

In May this year, reports showed that 18 states of the federation were owing workers various salary arrears as disclosed by the Task Force of the NLC. The body also threatened to encourage these states namely: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bauchi, Benue, Cross River, Ekiti, Imo, Jigawa, Kano, Katsina, Kogi, Ogun, Ondo, Osun, Oyo, Plateau, Rivers and Zamfara, to embark on industrial action against their governments.

While Abia State reportedly carried a backlog of salary arrears running into nine months, Enugu State was reportedly owing up to 12 months’ salaries in some of its parastatals. Osun State with workers currently on strike, is owing up to six months’ salary and pension arrears just like Plateau State. Benue owed five months salaries and four months pension arrears while Kogi reportedly owed four months of pension and salary arrears. Oyo owes three months salaries and between five and 11 months of pension arrears while Ekiti State is said to be owing workers for three months. The others were said to be owing a month salary arrears at the time the report was published.

Attempt To Polarise Nigerians

There were allegations that the former president was doing all he could to polarise the country across religious and ethnic lines. Many analysts believe this was part of his undoing as he had an overbearing romance with the Christian Association of Nigeria at the expense of those who practised other religions. His constant visits to different churches also revved some controversies.

As a result, the country became divided along religious lines with analysts positing that this was a dangerous trend. Tinubu, Obasanjo, the APC and the Conference of Nigerian Political Parties, CNPP, through Mr. Osita Okechukwu, its Publicity Secretary, accused Jonathan of leading the country into danger. “President Jonathan and his handlers seem to have devoted more energy in trying to polarise and divide the country on religious line. Nigeria has never been divided as we are today on religion and ethnic lines,” Okechukwu said.

Reading the handwriting, the APC, it is believed, picked Professor Osinbajo to break the bloc votes that Jonathan had expected to get from his Christian family. The rest is history and a lesson for President Buhari.

Handover Of Nigeria To Four Women

A major error believed to have been committed by ex-president Jonathan was the seeming freedom he gave to four women – Patience, his wife, Oduah, Okonjo-Iweala and Alison-Madueke. These four held the government and remained the major face of the administration with the general impression that they are untouchable.

On several occasions, Nigerians called for their sack and possible prosecution to no avail. An example was during the scandal that involved Oduah. President Jonathan, it was thought, rebuffed every demand to get her prosecuted. As it dawned on the government that Nigerians meant business, she was subtly asked to go. The case faded away.

In the heat of the debate over the amount spent by Alison-Madueke on jet hiring, President Goodluck Jonathan told a panel of journalists that it was normal as the minister was not expected to wait to board a public flight since on most occasions, she embarks on emergency journeys. Okonjo-Iweala, to Nigerians, was the defacto ‘Prime Minister’ of the country as everything about the country’s economy rested on her shoulders. Despite accusations from governors, analysts and Nigerians that she was running the country aground, she continued to maintain that Nigeria’s economy was buoyant.

Governor Adams Oshiomhole of Edo State, Fashola, Senator Chris Ngige, Professor Charles Soludo, former CBN governor and Senator Victor Lar are some of those who accused Okonjo-Iweala of destroying the economy. To many of her accusers, she had a ready reply. As Buhari commences the journey of leading Nigeria, it is clear that he has to begin almost from the scratch.

Patience Jonathan

Immediately after the general elections, Dame Patience Jonathan trended on the internet. While some wanted to know her whereabouts, others recalled her various activities and actions. Some even jocularly said Nigerian stand-up comedians would continue to envy her for giving Nigerians cause to smile, laugh and be happy in the face of serious challenges facing the country.

One former governor that would not forget Dame Jonathan is Rotimi Amaechi. The battle between the duo almost tore Rivers State into pieces. Apart from Amaechi, political analysts opine that Mrs. Jonathan’s frosty relationship with Governor Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa State did not help her husband.

In the PDP, she was seen as a threat or as one trying to take over the duties of her husband. A case in point was the squabble she had with PDP chieftains from Oyo State, whom she reportedly asked to support Rasheed Ladoja, a former governor of the state who was contesting under Labour Party. There were also related allegations of her dabbling into the party affairs in some of the states of the federation.

Buhari, during the campaign, told Nigerians that his wife, Aisha, would be restricted in her activities as wife of the president. Many believe he may have taken this decision because of the heavy criticism that followed the roles played by Mrs. Jonathan, whom many also think played a major role in the defeat of her husband during the election.

A Plus For Jonathan

Not a few Nigerians believe that despite all the above, Jonathan, as President, was not an unmitigated disaster. They pointed at two areas where he was and still is appreciated. First, his choice of Dr. Akinwumi Adesina as his Agric Minister was great. Akinwumi, apart from creating employment through direct agric practice and through its value chain, sent fertilizer racketeers out of business. Thus, farmers now have direct access to fertilizer and other imputs. Second, the signing into law of the Freedom of Information Bill into law is seen as another laudable move by Jonathan.